MAY 5-7, 1970

THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA STUDENT STRIKE

Research by Melanie Knight

In April 1970, [USC pres. Thomas] Jones sent a report to the Board of Trustees, stating that AWARE [a student activist group] had "become a haven for students with radical political views" who had "tested traditional mores, rules, and regulations... but... not been responsible for any direct violence."

On May 4, 1970, a group of National Guardsmen sent to impose "order" on the campus of Kent State, in Ohio, following student demonstrations. Sent to break up a peaceful demonstration, the Guard fired into a crowd of unarmed students, killing four and wounding nine others.

Campuses around the nation were rocked in the wake of the massacre. USC among them. A national strike was called, and USC joined in. At the Columbia campus however, there were other issues and sources of frustration involved.

• The Orangeburg Massacre two years previously, in which highway patrolmen fired into a crowd of unarmed student demonstrators at South Carolina State College, killing three and wounding 28 others.
• The arrest of USC students on campus by outside authorities on illegal drug charges, and the presence of undercover agents had been patrolling campus, armed with John Doe warrants.
• The lack of freedoms on campus. USC students and faculty were required to carry USC ID cards to enter the student union. The presence of police officers in the student union and on campus.
• University officials had allowed law enforcement officials to have free access to confidential records without subpoenas.
• Persecution of the editorial staff of the student newspaper, the Gamecock.
• The closing of the UFO anti-war coffeehouse and arrest of its owners for operating a "public nuisance"-a rarely-used charge previously applied only to brothels. The coffeehouse was popular with students (from the activists to the wannabe hipsters), faculty, and soldiers at Ft. Jackson.
• Related to this, threats by Solicitor John Foard to reveal the names of those professors who had testified on behalf of the UFO to school officials, in hopes of getting them fired.
• Repression of political activity on campus and persecution of AWARE
• Constitutional rights of students being ignored (rooms searched, political pamphlets confiscated)/Sense that Administration and Board of Trustees not protecting students Constitutional rights (see USC History)
• "Heavy-handed clearing of minority neighborhood near campus" to make way for Coliseum

As one student at the time put it, the university was a political puppet in an election year.

"Underlying all of these and other specific flashpoints was the intense animosity created by the feeling that students had no voice in the formulation of local or University policy."

On May 5, 1970, approximately 45 people met at the Methodist center located on Pickens Street to discuss having a student strike. A Methodist minister, Don Bundy was in attendance, and "apparently agreed with" and supported the group's efforts.

The group discussed taking over and completely occupying the Russell House on Thursday, May 7, seizing radio station WUSC. "A Mr. Phillips who is suppose (sic) to be in charge of the Russell House has supposedly agreed to turn it over to them without any trouble. They don't expect any trouble from the police personnel there as they are not even armed."

The meeting was chaired by Brett Bursey, and attended by members of several groups: the Afro-American Society, AWARE, Student Mobilization Committee, The Moratorium, Grimke Sisters union, American Association of University Professors, Student Government (who lent an unofficial presence), the Student Union, Interfraternity Council, and FREAK. Others in attendance were Debra Rossman, who helped take over the first building ever seized at Berkeley; Barbara Herbert, secretary of AWARE; an English professor at Allen or Benedict referred to as "Huck;" Bob Johnson; Doug Jones; Paul Gumm; John Atwood; and Dough Theile.

Also among the attendees was an informer for the university, who sent a memo to Jones with lists of attendees, and stating, "More to follow as soon as we are able to receive the information. We will be working on this until we see it through. Will keep you informed."

It wasn't really necessary to have an undercover agent, as the plan was an open one. The group announced: "The U.S.C. Strike Coalition Committee, a loosely organized coalition of individuals and student organizations, met Tuesday, May 5, and voted to sponsor a student strike. Student Government voted... to support the strike" and urged cessation of classes Thursday and Friday, and a memorial for the victims at Kent State. They demanded unqualified support of academic freedom, "to teach, to learn, and to hold and express believes without fear of repression or harassment by political forces, unqualified support for Freedom of Association, and peaceable assembly." They felt the demonstration was "necessary to the preservation of (the) university.

James W. Bradford, Jr., Vice President of the Student Body, later stated that "until the student body coalesced as a result of its grievances, 'more students were worried about how many alpaca sweaters they owned than any political situation.'"

MAY 7

On May 7, demonstrators protested on the Horseshoe; attendance was estimated at 500. A majority of the participants voted to lower the flag to half mast in memory of the Kent State dead. A small group of students objected, leading to a tug of war at the flagpole. Jones ordered that the flag be lowered, stating that while he agreed in principle with those who did not want to lower the flag, he was afraid of a free-for-all which would result in "blood on (his) hands" and wouldn't have led to the arrest of those "bent on closing or destroying the University." He wanted the protesters to learn a lesson.

A group of protesters then went to the Sheraton Hotel, where there was an athletic press conference going on. Jones appeared, ignored the protesters, and left. He later realized the students expected a statement of regret over Kent State, condemnation of Solicitor Foard, and a speech on academic freedom, something he objected to because it "wold have given new status" to the coalition, of which a substantial part was made up of AWARE, the Student Mobilization Committee (SMC), and FREAK.

Following the rally, a large group of protesters entered the Russell House, the university's student center for a teach-in. University Union officials had formally reserved all available space in the building for the 7th and 8th, including overnight. This prevented the need for a take-over of the building. Jones writes, "A confrontation was totally unnecessary." One occurred, however, after 75 of the 150 students voted to "take-over the building, requested the keys, and asked all officials to leave the building. At this point, Student Government withdrew its support for the Strike. Many students and faculty members tried to get the students to leave, but the group refused. Meanwhile, outside a crowd of 1000 had gathered.

Jones consulted Governor Robert McNair, who sent in the highway patrol. The Highway Patrol and SLED offered the students a chance to leave (no amnesty, but no arrest). The students felt that they were within their rights, and refused to leave. The troopers left their arms behind, fearing a possible repeat of the Orangeburg Massacre. They escorted the students from the building, only to have the bus blocked by 200 others who sat in front of the vehicle. The National Guard was called in, and they moved the students.

Rita Fellers writes: "There was a sit-in at the Russell House because they were trying to expel the students and shut down the building. It was right after the bombing in Cambodia started and the Kent State students were shot and killed, and we had an impromptu rally at the Horseshoe and then moved over to the Russell House to break out into teach-in groups, and the administration freaked. Barbara Herbert (an American Friends Service Committee activist and another "leader" of SMC) insisted we had a right to be there because our fees had paid to build the building.

The administration began locking the doors and threatening everyone with arrest, and most people chickened out and left, but 42 stayed, including my good friend Bill. I was in the student infirmary at that time (had already run myself into the ground and gotten mononucleosis), which was much smaller and off on a side street next to the Russell House, and I was watching the goings-on by standing on an upturned wastebasket, and looking out the window of the women's rest room in the women's ward.

A huge phalanx of SLED agents all dressed up in riot gear, helmets, bulletproof vests, truncheons, boots, marched up a ramp at the side of the Russell House in front of my window, and I didn't know who-all was in there to get arrested or what the deal was (I was in the infirmary during the rally earlier over at the Horseshoe, had been in for a few days) but I'm very proud that Bill was there to make a stand. So he and 41 others were arrested by this excessively armored SWAT team and hauled off to the city jail, and nobody's head got cracked."

Thirty-one students and ten non-students were arrested for trespassing. Brett Bursey, banned from campus, and technically not on university property, was arrested again on Greene Street. He had been advising the group inside via walkie-talkie.